Wednesday, May 04, 2022

Deserving

(I'm hoping that the 2022 Ontario election campaign looks at the issue of poverty.  Here is a story I wrote on poverty in Ontario.  I made it up but it could be true. This story won the 2021 Norfolk County’s Laureate award for fiction.  It will take you about 18 minutes to read.  

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“You need to tell them where the bodies are buried.”

Councillor Ken Williams could not get that strange phone message out of his head.

There had been that anonymous call left on his voice mail this morning – the fourth consecutive day this had occurred.  Of course, it wasn’t that unusual to get odd calls. 

Somehow, though, this one was different.

What bodies?  Buried where, he wondered.

Williams, Ward 2 Councillor for the City of Clarovista, was headed into a municipal council meeting on this gloomy Tuesday.  It promised to be a long day.  

As he made his way to his seat, Williams was approached by Sharon Smith, the diligent city reporter for the Clarovista Clarion.

“Councillor Williams, could I speak with you about some strange calls we have been getting at the Clarion?”

“I’m not sure I could help you about calls you are receiving Sharon,” Williams answered warily.  

“They have been mentioning your name,” she continued.

“My name? Umm, sure.  Perhaps we could talk after the meeting.”

“Alright then, I’ll catch you after. Doesn’t look like there will be much exciting news to write about from this meeting.”

Just then Mayor Ted Martin, decked out in a designer Grey Notch Lapel Suit complete with chain of office trailed by his executive assistant, glided past Smith and Williams. Late by about ten minutes as is/was his custom.  Now the meeting could commence.

This was Williams’ sixth year on Council.  He’d long ago figured out the routine.  As sure as the rainbow smelt will run into Lake Vista in the spring, staff bring this particular report every April.  It is called The Annual Review of Grants for Agencies and Organizations that Operate Health and/or Social Services Programs. 

The verbose report title mirrored an awkward process that compelled organizations to jump through a nonsensical number of unnecessary hoops. That review would likely take up the bulk of today’s meeting.

The regular April crowd was all there; agency people, community activists, those with lived experience.  Some of Williams’ colleagues referred to these people as members of “special interest groups.” But Williams had learned long ago from his trade unionist grandfather who the real special interest groups were.  

“Kenny,” he’d say, “never underestimate the power of the banks and their shady sidekicks – the developers.”  

This year Council had an additional delegation, an expert on social policy from the university.  Williams knew Dr. Patricia Fleming slightly and had gone to a couple of seminars in which she had participated.

Fleming was called to the lectern by the Mayor and began her presentation with the usual salutary remarks. Then she moved on to territory that was familiar to Williams.
“Ontario’s treatment of the poor goes back to the 18th century and is built on the whole idea that there are two types of poor people - deserving poor and the non-deserving poor,” she lectured. 

Williams knew this; had made the point himself as it related to the current situation in the 
province.
“The first piece of legislation important for you to understand,” Fleming continued, “is the Constitution Act of 1791.”

Oh dear, thought Williams, she will never get through 204 years of Ontario social policy history within her ten-minute time allocation.

“In setting up the governance structure for Upper Canada, or Ontario as we now know it, Lieutenant Governor Simcoe took most elements from Great Britain’s legislation except, and this is paramount, not the poor law.  Other jurisdictions, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, to name two, adopted the Poor Laws.  You must appreciate that this effort to ban a poor law in Ontario promoted the growth of private charities.  All these charities held their own distinct beliefs and this resulted in weakening of public support for those in need.”

Mayor Martin cleared his throat.  

“Mrs. Fleming I’m concerned that you are veering off topic.  I’m having trouble seeing 
what any of what you are saying has to do with what is on the agenda today.”

“It’s Doctor Fleming, sir.  On the contrary Mr. Mayor this history has everything to do with today’s agenda.  May I continue without interruption, please?”

“Before you do, could you tell us a little more about Poor Laws, Dr. Fleming,” piped up Councillor Jim Bristow.

“No, No, Councillor there will be time for questions later. I need to keep Mrs. Fleming, Dr Fleming, on track.” The Mayor liked to be in control.   

Dr. Fleming carried on.

“As I was saying in Ontario, specific forms of outdoor relief (coal, bread, milk) and institutional relief were offered to those who were considered deserving. We are talking here about the aged and infirm, widows, “deserted” mothers, apprenticed children.  In addition, sometimes public work jobs were provided to new arrivals and those considered able-bodied."  

Just as the Mayor was about to interrupt again there was grumbling and shuffling in the public seats.  As Martin reached for his gavel, two determined women rushed the dais.  One grabbed the chief magistrate by his shoulders while the other attempted to yank the chain of office from his neck.  This removal was not without difficulty especially as the mayor’s dutiful assistant had leapt into the fray to save the Mayor from harm.  

Harming the Mayor was not part of the plan though; it was the chain of office the women were after. After a short tussle, the assailants had the chain in hand and were dashing out of the committee room shouting something about justice, a cover up and buried bodies.  Williams recognized these women from earlier protest actions around town.  They were part of a group called Clarovista Coalition for Fairness and Justice (CCFJ).
.
Meanwhile the Mayor lay sprawled inelegantly on the floor.

“We will have a fifteen-minute adjournment,” mewled his worship as he struggled to regain his feet - unhurt but dispossessed of the 130-year-old symbol of mayoral primacy.
Members of the public and those Clarovista bureaucrats assembled for the meeting sat in stunned silence.

“Wow. Now I’ve got a story idea,” Sharon Smith declared. 

As what had happened was unprecedented no one really knew what to do.  The exhaustive Clarovista emergency preparedness booklet that detailed procedures did not cover theft of the chain of office. Consequently no one thought to pursue the thieves.

The Mayor staggered from the room as his executive assistant announced that it had now been decided that the meeting was adjourned at the call of the Chair.  

Dr. Fleming had returned to the dais and was trying to be heard while waving a book over her head.  Her efforts were pointless as no one could hear above the commotion.  

Sharon Smith, the reporter, had found a quiet place to send in her story. 

For his part, Williams meandered to the front of the room to persuade Dr. Fleming that it might be best to send in the remainder of her presentation to the clerk’s department.  They would distribute it to Council members.  She seemed deflated but handed Williams a book entitled Poverty in Ontario 1791-2000.

“I’d like you to have this book Councillor Williams.  I think you will find the chapter that covers the history of the Clarovista Poorhouse of particular interest."

Days went by and yet there was no news of the missing chain of office.

After all that had occurred at the Tuesday Council the meeting that reconvened the following Monday was somewhat of an anti-climax.  

Not to the various agencies who had appealed their grants, of course.  Some of their appeals were successful, others not.  Councillors seized the opportunity to interject their presumed sage advice to the various agencies - Do more with less, build partnerships, consider more fundraising projects.  Always at play was the whole matter of who ought to get service and who was not really entitled to it.  After all the hard-working families of Clarovista could not be expected to dig into their pocketbooks to support every nutty idea the kumbaya crowd chose to advance.

Those same issues were dealt with at length in Poverty in Ontario 1791-1995. Dr. Fleming had written a surprisingly interesting book.  Chapter Sixteen, which dealt with the history of the Clarovista poorhouse, filled in some blanks for Williams who had put aside other reading on the weekend to go through Fleming’s book.

Of course, Williams knew that poorhouses were established in the mid 19th century
to house people who required food, shelter, or care in order to survive.

The poorhouse was a response to the number of people begging on the streets, wandering the countryside, or languishing in jails.

The Clarovista poorhouse existed from 1877 up until 1933 when the municipality decided to sell off assets to raise money during the depression.  The property had been in what is currently Williams’ ward somewhere up in the northeast corner near where Mayor Martin lives.  Williams studied the map that was included in Fleming’s book.  Hold on.

“This is the mayor’s property.  That’s odd,” Williams said aloud.    

Chapter 16 laid out a map of the Poorhouse and its 50-acre site complete with building sketches showing the large stone house built in the Italianate style, barn and various out buildings, the hospital wing and the pest house.  The living arrangements were dormitory style – one side of the house women and children; the other for men.    

There were also drawings of the confinement cells or idiot cells as they were called that were used for discipline purposes. Sadly, two brothers, Harold (Inmate #1238) and Joseph Cook Inmate #1239), incarcerated behind the iron cell doors of the confinement cells perished in a fire in 1933.   The brothers had been locked in the cells for repeatedly violating the curfew and for their inability and unwillingness to find work. 

It was said that they missed curfew as they were travelling to distant towns looking for work that was hard to come by during the depression.  But at the poorhouse rules were rules and the Cook brothers had run afoul of those rules.  
 
Some in the community had called for an inquest but the authorities decided against one as fire deaths were fairly common at the time and there were complications as there was some confusion as to the location of the remains of the deceased brothers. 

The main building had been destroyed contributing to the decision to sell the property. Inmates were relocated to nearby Carson Creek.  

The Keeper, Janek Marcin, left town but turned up several years later living on the same property.  
 
How did one become an inmate at the Clarovista Poorhouse, Williams wondered.

Dr. Fleming had provided her business card with her book.  Her home number was on the back of the card. Williams dialed the number.

“Dr. Fleming, Ken Williams here.  I’m enjoying your book.  Could I ask you a couple of questions?”

“Certainly Councillor, I have some time, go ahead.”

“Well, I’m not totally clear on how people became inmates – inmate that is a horrible word - of the poorhouse.”

“It was fairly simple. Your predecessors were quite involved.”

“The Council was involved?”

“Yes.  People who had been living in Clarovista for at least two years who needed help could apply to the mayor.  The mayor and council would determine whether the Poorhouse was the best fit for the individual or family.   Then they would have to approve a recommendation for the person or people to be sent to the Poorhouse.  It was a public process like authorizing spending for a bridge or approving monies to send a councillor to a conference.”

“This just seems wrong, Dr. Fleming.”

“Yes, of course it is wrong but is it really any different than what Council does these days?  

Last week’s meeting is a case in point.  Agencies having to grovel and answer ridiculous questions from uniformed members of council Not you Councillor, of course.) in order to maintain their organizations funding or get small incremental increases to continue important community work.” 

“The budget is really tight this year, Patricia.”

“But the budget isn’t the issue, Ken.  There is a bigger community picture at play.
They chatted some more. After Dr Fleming hung up Williams was left with an uneasy feeling as he returned to his reading.

In that year of the fire, 1933, thirty percent of the labour force was out of work, and one-fifth of the population was dependent on government assistance. Ironically, the Cook brothers’ grandfather, Jonah Cook, had donated part of his farm to the County as the site for the Poorhouse.

The phone rang interrupting Williams.  It was Sharon Smith from the Clarion.  Williams considered not picking up but did just before the call went to voice mail.

Ms. Smith, how are you today?”

“Fine, Councillor.  I’m looking for a comment.”

“On……?”

“The Chain of Office has been located on the Mayor’s property in a small wooded area.”

“Really!”

“Yes, what do you think of that, Councillor Williams?”

“Well, what I think is that you should ask the mayor about it.”

“I have.  He wasn’t helpful.”

“Wasn’t helpful?”

“He said it was none of my business what was on his property. Stay off his property. He was almost shouting. The Chain of Office has been recovered and that was that.”

“Well, there is some truth to what the mayor said, don’t you think?”

“Sure, some truth.  But the Chain was in a strange spot.”

“Well, of course, it was in the woods on the mayor’s rather nice property.  It is supposed to be at city hall.” 

“No.  That’s not what I mean.  It was around the neck of a scarecrow that was dressed in a grey suit, with a City of Clarovista lapel pin and an official tie.  The scarecrow was dressed to, you know, look like the mayor.  And it had a note pinned to it.”

“A scarecrow with a note pinned to it?”

“Yes.  Here is what it said.  

Knock, knock
Who’s over there?
Harold and Joseph
And no one cares.
  
And this mayor scarecrow thingy is pointing off further into the woods.  Do you understand any of it? What is the story here?”

Williams took a deep breath thinking of how to answer.

“Those calls we’ve been getting are beginning to make sense. Maybe history has something to tell us when we know where the bodies are buried.  That’s what you should write about.”


Friday, April 15, 2022

Ending Wetland Protection: Trashing Nature’s Clean Water Filter

Below is one of thirty three  crimes against the environment committed by Doug Ford’s government and documented by Seniors for Climate Action Now (SCAN!).  

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The Ford government says it is delivering on a commitment to conserve and restore natural ecosystems, including wetlands. 

Its actions belie this claim. 

According to Ontario Nature, “wetlands are critical to water filtration, flood retention, erosion control, carbon storage, nutrient cycling and groundwater recharge.” 

Conservation Authorities are empowered to regulate development and activities in wetlands, watercourses, hazardous lands and other similar areas.

But in December 2020, the Ford government reduced the power of local conservation authorities. Bill 229 effectively took away the ability of authorities to deny development on wetlands by ensuring they can be overruled by non-appealable Ministerial Zoning Orders (MZOs). 

Then in March, the Ford government went further introducing legislation to rewrite provincial law retroactively. Its amendments to Ontario’s Planning Act nullify a key clause that limits the scope of MZOs. 

This retroactive change was in advance of the Ford government’s ongoing attempt to pave the way for a 4 million square foot warehouse on Duffin’s Creek, a provincially significant Pickering wetland. That warehouse would be the size of 45 Canadian football fields. 

The government previously issued a MZO to fast track the project, strip the site of its vegetation and fill it with soil. Fortunately, pressure from environmental and citizen groups and 

First Nations including the Williams Treaties First Nations stopped the project and forced Pickering Council to reverse its position and the province to back down. 

Now the Holland Marsh is under threat. The proposed Bradford Bypass would cross one of the most productive agricultural areas in Canada and impact 39 hectares of wildlife habitat and wetlands that species depend on. The Ford government believes no new environmental assessment is needed.

We are losing wetlands at an alarming rate, less than 30 per cent of southern Ontario’s original wetlands remain, and just 10 per cent survive in Niagara and the GTA. Ontario needs: To restore the oversight powers of conservation authorities’ To rescind recent amendments to the Planning Act so that Ministerial Zoning Orders must be consistent with the Planning Act and Provincial Policy Statements. To plan with appropriate consultation as outlined in the Planning Act with municipalities and First Nations. To conduct a Federal Environmental Assessment for the Bradford Bypass project.

Ontario needs: 

  • To restore the oversight powers of conservation authorities’ 
  • To rescind recent amendments to the Planning Act so that Ministerial Zoning Orders must be consistent with the Planning Act and Provincial Policy Statements. 
  • To plan with appropriate consultation as outlined in the Planning Act with municipalities and First Nations. 
  • To conduct a Federal Environmental Assessment for the Bradford Bypass project.

Sources: 

https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/03/15/pickering-wetlands-fast-tracked-for-development-by-doug-fordsgovernment-gets-temporary-reprieve.html 

https://ecojustice.ca/conserving-ontarios-intact-wetlands-is-vital-to-protecting-biodiversity/ 

https://ontarionature.org/news-release/lower-duffins-finally-protected/ 

https://www.thelawyersdaily.ca/articles/26725 

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/doug-ford-duffins-creek-wetland-pickering-ajax-warehouseamazon-1.5942938




Read ten climate reasons to defeat Ford at https://seniorsforclimateactionnow.org/ten-climate-reasons-to-defeat-ford/

Read about the other 32 crimes at https://seniorsforclimateactionnow.org/doug-fords-climate-crimes/



Friday, February 11, 2022

Laws

I’ve been thinking about breaking the law a fair bit lately.

No, I’m not planning a bank heist, I seldom drive over the speed limit and I’ve been wearing my mask at all the right times and places.

But watching recent events in Ottawa and other jurisdictions how can one not help but think about law breaking?

The gang in Ottawa mislabelled as the Trucker’s Convoy aren’t truckers. Based on their demands they are, at worst insurrectionists; at best, failed civic students.  And convoys move.  These guys are parked and in some cases have taken their wheels off.  They are honking their horns. And they are breaking the law.

Alan Borovoy thought seriously about law breaking.  For many years Borovoy was general counsel of the Canadian Civil Liberties Association.  Borovoy spent a lifetime fighting for justice. He passed away in 2015. In his book Uncivil Obedience – The Tactics and Tales of A Democratic Agitator he argues that there is no justification in a democratic society for breaking the law to get justice.   Borovoy’s strong belief was that there are enough legal tools at the disposal of activists to fight injustice without resorting to breaking the law. 

“We should obey the law but stick it to the government anyway,” he wrote.

Back in the day (before I read Borovoy’s book) I was involved in anti-junk mail advocacy.  Our main target was Canada Post.  And to us environmentalists, privacy advocates and curmudgeons the issue was a simple one.  Shouldn’t you have the right to stop unwanted materials from coming to your door?  One form of protest we undertook was stuffing a Canada Post mailbox with unwanted, unsolicited junk mail.  

That was against the law.  (See Sections 48 and 49 of the Canada Post Corporation Act.)  Not a hanging crime, pretty minor stuff really.  

But applying Borovoy’s reasoning one has to ask what gave us self-appointed anti-junk mail crusaders the right, no matter how good our cause, to break the law.   

Borovoy’s recommended uncivil but obedient tactics included:

• Exerting enough pressure to make authorities negotiate but not so much they will lose. Doing this will get the fence sitters on your side. 

• Speaking over the heads of those attending your events.  While only the converted may attend a rally or demonstration, the message must go over the heads of those present to be effective. 

• Using the strength of your opponent.  Borovoy recognizes that publicizing the extreme positions of opponents was often the key to success.  Pull your adversaries’ tails and they will squeal obligingly.

Contrast how the Ottawa insurrectionists are being treated by authorities to what has happened to others. 

Case in point is the treatment of supporters of the Wet’suwet’en First Nation in their opposition to the Coastal GasLink pipeline.  Protestors have been handled aggressively by the RCMP.  Journalists, merely doing their jobs, have been arrested.

Those supporters object to a pipeline that would transport liquefied natural gas from northeast British Columbia to a terminal on the coast near the town of Kitimat. It would cross 22,000 square kilometers of unceeded Wet’suwet’en land. The hereditary chiefs of the Wet’suwet’en Nation have come out against the project.

I’m trying to imagine what the indigenous perspective would be on Borovoy’s ideas.  What strikes me is that being uncivil but obedient doesn’t seem to be doing much good.

Perhaps Mahatma Gandhi’s challenges to authority can provide food for thought.  

Gandhi broke the law and was jailed many times.  At one trial he said, “In my humble opinion, non-cooperation with evil is as much a duty as is cooperation with good.” 

His Salt March is instructive. Salt was an important part of the Indian diet.  However Indians could only buy it from the British and there was a significant sales tax on top of it. 

On March 12, 1930 Gandhi began a march of 388 kilometres (241 miles) from Sabermanti to the ocean.  When he arrived at Dandi on the Arabian Sea he broke the law making salt from seawater. This act clearly violated Britain’s Salt Acts that prohibited Indians from collecting or selling salt.  Sixty thousand people across India were arrested as a result of the civil disobedience that followed.   Gandhi himself was arrested about a month later.

Making salt, stuffing mailboxes, honking your horn all can be classified as law breaking activities.  

Calling for the unconstitutional overthrow of the government seems to me to be law breaking of a different order.  

Friday, January 21, 2022

When History Stopped


On the 72 anniversary of George Orwell's death it seems appropriate to share some of his thoughts on truth, history and writing.
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I started out with good intentions to offer a few thoughts on Hemingway’s For Whom the Bell Tolls.

In typical ass backwards fashion I had seen the movie Hemingway and Gellhorn (2012) earlier this summer.  That prompted me to read the first-rate Hotel Florida by Amanda Vaill.

I didn’t particularly like this man Hemingway portrayed in the book and the film.  I also realized I didn’t know much about the Spanish Civil War so decided to read For Whom the Bell Tolls.

I’ve read Old Man and the Sea.  Years ago A Moveable Feast was required in some course or other way back when.

And now a song, Hemingway, by the late writer/singer Paul Quarrington resonates in my head.


                        “I like my fiction with a chaser of beer
                        Real short worlds and a vision that is clear
                        Hemingway is the one I read
                        Real straight shooter gives me what I need
                        Hemingway always gets it right
                        With a simple syntax and a prose that’s tight.

But short worlds and clear vision are not what I found.

You’re probably familiar with the story.  Considered one of the century’s great works of fiction, For Whom the Bell Tolls tells the tale of Robert Jordan, employed in America as a college instructor of Spanish who now fights as a demolition expert with the Loyalists.  Jordan’s assignment is to blow up a bridge.  He leads several Spanish guerillas in the undertaking.

The narrative unfolds slowly and largely leaves aside big picture issues of fascism, democracy, freedom and communism.  Robert Jordan is a committed man who nevertheless questions to what exactly he is committed.  For example, Jordan recognizes those he must kill as living individuals just like himself.  In the end Jordan accepts the importance of man as an individual and as an integral part of humankind.

For Whom the Bell Tolls was a tremendous commercial success.  Nearly half a million copies (491,000) were sold in six months following its October 1940 publication. 

Hemingway was known to stretch the truth but in For Whom the Bell Tolls, it has been said that this aspiration of the writing of “a true book which in its invention is truer than any other thing that ever happened” may have been realized.

By and large most critics agreed.  Not all though.

Spanish author Arturo Barea wrote that Hemingway was a spectator who wanted to be an actor.

“Yet it is not enough to look on; to write truthfully you must live, and you must feel what you are living,” avowed Barea from the perspective of a Spaniard who had no choice but to live with the realities of war.

Hemingway gained his understanding of the Spanish War while filing stories for the North American newspaper Alliance.  For this he was well paid - $1,000 per story.  At the same time he was occupied with making a film on the war – the Spanish Earth. 

On filming days, he and his entourage would rush out from their base at Madrid’s marble facaded Hotel Florida to find a good elevated spot to view the fighting.

“I had on figured out from studying the terrain, with this probability in mind, some days before.  When we reached it, sweating heavily and beginning to be most thirsty again, the view was marvelous.  The battle was spread out before us.” 

It is argued that much of what Hemingway wrote on Spain during this period was propaganda.  Certainly his film was.

Madrid during the War

So what about truth?

George Orwell had something to say on the matter.

The English writer argued that history had, in fact, stopped in Spain in 1936.  Orwell put this idea forward in Looking Back on the Spanish Civil War, four years after General Francisco Franco seized power from the democratically elected government of the Second Spanish Republic.

On July 18th of that year, elements of the Spanish Army led by Franco and far right supporters including the Catholic Church attempted to overthrow the government.  They failed on that day.  But it was only the beginning.  Fascist Germany and Italy joined in to support Franco and by 1939 the dictator was ensconced in power. 


Orwell, already skeptical of media, had seen that reporting in Spain’s newspapers “did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie.” 

Orwell, then a virtually unheard of English writer known as Eric Blair, worried that the “concept of objective truth (was) fading out of the world and lies would pass into history.”

There was “news” of great battles “where there had been no fighting and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.”  Back in London at the time newspapers were selling such lies “and eager intellectuals (were) building emotional superstructures over events that had never happened.” 

If the established media was not telling the truth could truth be found in the stories of independent journalists and writers?

Like Hemingway’s fictional character Robert Jordan, Eric Blair was on the front lines.

Blair had gone to Spain in 1936 to report on the conflict but actually ended up fighting on the side of the Loyalists.  Initially he was uninterested in the political situation but when at the front he found himself:

“in the middle of a political discussion that practically never ended.  In the draughty evil-smelling barn of the farm-house where we were billeted, in the stuffy blackness of dug-outs. Behind the parapet in the freezing midnight hours, the conflicting ‘party lines’ were debated over and over.”

Blair had some sympathy for the enemy as “(m)any of the troops opposite…were not Fascists at all, merely wretched conscripts who had been doing their military service at the time when war broke out and were only too anxious to escape.”

“How will the history of the Spanish war be written.” 

Orwell answered his own question in his later works Animal Farm and 1984.  In 1984 protagonist Winston Smith, an editor in the Records Department at the Ministry of Truth, makes a surprising discovery.

“Who controls the past controls the future:

Who controls the present controls the past.”

In the case of Spain that “who” was the Franco government which remained in power until 1975.  However, the various factions aligned against Franco, particularly Stalin’s Soviet Union, promoted their own version of the truth.

Restarting History

Like the passenger pigeon it seems that truth has vanished forever from our political discourse.

Not that long ago when Trump was President of the United States and still tweeting he posted a tweet where, in one sentence, he made 4 false claims.  A tweet is about  two short sentences.

This came as no surprise to those paying attention to the state of today’s politics.

In Ontario the Premier, of his self-styled Government for The people makes promises like:

                        No one will lose their job, absolutely no one.
                        I’ll lower hydro rates by 12 per cent.
                        We won’t touch the Greenbelt. of Ontario 

It is not enough that the promises are unfulfilled but that such statements are repeated so often that they become assumed authentic.

So, if history stopped in 1936, can it be restarted?

In various jurisdictions around the world people have embarked on memory projects.  Spain is one example.  Here, where the history of their Civil War has been suppressed years after Franco was gone, graduate students have been recording audiovisual testimonies of militants, witnesses, and victims of the Spanish Civil War and Francoist repression.

Perhaps history can be launched again.

Wednesday, January 05, 2022

Social Assistance Rates and the Ontario Election

Social assistance rates should have some relation to the real cost of living but almost never have. 

(See http://whenthemayorsmiles.blogspot.com/2020_10_19_archive.html)

Rates in 1993 under the Bob Rae NDP government were set at a level that arguably reflected the real cost of living. They don’t now.

With a provincial election coming up in June it is interesting to speculate on what the major parties will offer on the policy front re social assistance rates. (Note: We are talking about what is politically possible not what is right.) 

John Stapleton, a respected public policy guru, looks at the issue in https://openpolicyontario.com/16-2-in-22-a-social-assistance-litmus-for-2022/

There has been one small increase of 1.5% to Ontario Works (OW) since the Ford government was elected in 2018.  Ontario Disability Support Program (ODSP) had a single 1.5% increase as well that was, in fact, a rollback of a promised 3% boost.

Stapleton takes those 1993 fairer rates and calculates that OW and ODSP would have to be raised 67% to get back to those levels. Politically that is a non-starter.

In the 1995 election poverty denier Mike Harris succeeded in portraying single mothers receiving assistance as some sort of boogie monsters ripping off the oppressed taxpayers of Ontario

One of Harris’ first acts as premier was to cut social assistance rates by 21.6%.  

Stapleton takes 1995 as a starting point, builds in the 16.2% inflation that has occurred since then and comes up with new rates.   

“… the OW single rate would climb by 16.2% from $733 a month to $852 a month… a  similar 16.2% increase to ODSP (would) take the single rate from $1,169 to $1,359 a month.”

It is doable.  The Ford government is spending less on this file.  Since the beginning of the pandemic in April 2020, the number of social assistance beneficiaries has fallen by 15% or over 146,000 beneficiaries. 

I’ve written to MPP (see below) and hope you will too.  We should expect a commitment from all provincial parties to do something about the injustice of inadequate social assistance rates.   


This story has been updated to reflect the fact that OW rates were increased by 1.5% in 2018.
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December 22, 2021
Toby Barrett 
MPP Haldimand Norfolk 
 

 Dear Mr. Barrett, 

Re: Raising Social Assistance Rates for Individuals 

Nearly a year ago (January 26, 2021) I wrote to you about the need to raise social assistance rates.

Other than acknowledgement that my letter was received, I have not received a reply from you.

For social assistance recipients the situation has worsened over the past year. 

Rates are the same and continue to be well below poverty levels.  Canada’s Consumer Price Index has risen 4.4% the highest rate since 2003.

Meanwhile your government has made no meaningful investments or taken any action on programs or policies that would improve income security for low-income Ontarians. 

In terms or digital access, the government seems to believe that building infrastructure is all that is needed.  While you have pledged $2 billion in broadband infrastructure, no money has been provided to assist low-income Ontarians pay for Canada’s high internet and data costs. Now, Tribunals in Ontario are moving to a digital-first approach.  Investing in subsidizing internet costs for people on social assistance and all low income Ontarians is essential for both access to caseworkers and access to justice. 

It is imperative that social assistance rates be raised to reflect the real cost of living in Ontario.

Your attention to this matter is appreciated.  I look forward to your response.   

Sincerely, 
Bob Wood 


Saturday, December 18, 2021

Rupert Hotel Fire - 32 Years Ago

Thursday December 23rd marks the thirty-second anniversary of the Rupert Hotel fire and the loss of ten lives.

The Rupert was located at 182 Parliament Street close to Queen Street East. Once an upscale hotel, the Rupert, while licensed, was overcrowded and badly maintained.

A plaque erected at the site notes that the fire "sparked action by municipal and provincial governments and community organizations to improve conditions in rooming houses."

It did, for a time. In the years following the tragedy, about 500 units of Toronto housing were created or upgraded to meet or exceed the already existing standards. Not long after the plaque was installed, though, the funding that supported the upgrades and advocacy ended.

What has happened since then?

Not much.

Since amalgamation Toronto has had two rules on rooming houses. They are legal in the old City of Toronto and in parts of Etobicoke and East York. Being legal means they are subject to all kinds of regulations.

But in Scarborough, North York and York, rooming houses are strictly illegal. Those living illegally in these parts of Toronto can be evicted.

City staff say there are about 1,000 rooming houses in the city. According to a recent article in Now Magazine there are likely many more.

“Legalizing them across the city would protect vulnerable tenants and create a housing solution that can be put into place now, without large investments in infrastructure.”*

There were fires at 69 illegal rooming houses in the Toronto area between 2013 and 2017 according to the Fire Marshal. At a meeting in October 2021 as City Council delayed once again taking action on licensing, it was reported that there have been 16 fatal rooming housing fires in Toronto between 2010 and 2020 and 14 fatalities were in unlicensed rooming houses.

All that is needed is political will to create and sustain more safe affordable housing.

*Jin Huh, Douglas Kwan, and Sean Meagher @nowtoronto October 4, 2021

-------------------------- 

Rupert Hotel December 1989 

Gordon was sorry 
but it was tough keeping warm 
and he’d had some to drink 
so setting fire to those papers 
on the floor in the middle 
of his second-floor room 
made some kind of sense. 

At the Rupert Hotel, 
a three-storey brick walk up 
in a licensed city rooming house 
off Queen Street East 
at Parliament 
those with few options 
and few dollars could exist, 
in a way. 

Gordon’s warming fire soon leapt out of control 
flames and choking smoke filling the corridors. 
As the fire gained full possession of the hallways 
that license pinned to the wall 
wasn’t worth the paper 
it was printed on 
as far as the protection it afforded 
those 31 tenants 
at the Rupert 
that wintry December night. 

A sprinkler system might have helped; 
could have halted the fire’s progress. 
And the tenants could have taken some action 
if the alarm system had been operable 
or if fire extinguishers 
stored in the basement were reachable. 

Seventeen long minutes passed 
before someone called 911. 
When firefighters arrived 
the whole building was enveloped. 
Flames leapt out of top floor windows. 
Fearless firefighters using ladders forced their way 
into the searing heat of the second floor. 

Later a witness called it 
“A Vision out of Hell.” 
As the fire raged people screamed, 
cried out for friends. 
It took six hours and eighteen crews 
to subdue the blaze. 
Thankfully, some tenants were saved 
and many escaped. 

For days crews chopped through ice 
and sifted through debris to locate bodies. 
They found nine men 
and a woman who had returned to the building 
to help a friend. 
Donna Marie Cann died, 
as the others had 
from heavy smoke inhalation. 

Soon an inquest was held. 
Recommendations were made 
new rules created 
regulations established 
housing planned. 

After a while all was forgotten. 
Rules and regulations lapsed, 
were ignored or opposed 
and the programs ended. 

In the city today austerity policies 
compel people to rent rooms 
in perilous and dangerous buildings. 
Many flee the downtown 
to illegal suburban homes 
where life is cheaper. 

Bob Wood, 2020

Friday, December 10, 2021

Some Grey Cup Memories #2


Several years ago, I was asked to do a couple of stories related to the 100th Grey Cup. TSN had commissioned a series of eight documentaries on the Grey Cup and to my delight I was asked to write on the 1972 Cup and specifically one of the heroes of that game, Chuck Ealey.  This Sunday’s Grey Cup is the first one played in Hamilton with the Tiger Cats playing since that 1972 game. So it seemed somewhat appropriate  to print a lightly edited version of my earlier story.  Here it is.

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The 1972 Grey Cup held Dec. 3 at Hamilton’s Ivor Wynne Stadium was decided by a last-second field goal. The Hamilton Tiger Cats won an exciting match 13-10 over the Saskatchewan Roughriders. Rookie quarterback Chuck Ealey was the star of that game and most of that season for the Cats.

The game represented much more than the typical east-west Cup contest and this is why: Ealey shouldn’t have been in a position to earn the game’s MVP award, because in a just world he would have been quarterbacking in the National Football League.

Bowl victories and an undefeated college record (35-0) at the University of Toledo weren’t enough to get Ealey drafted by an NFL team. Prior to the draft, his agent sent a “well-thought-out, professional, not harsh” letter to all NFL teams, Ealey recalls.

The essence of the letter went like this:

“The only position I’m interested in playing is quarterback. Thank you for your consideration.”

He wanted to play QB because clearly, that was the position where he excelled. But an Afro-American had no chance to compete for a quarterback position in the NFL of the seventies. There were no takers among NFL general managers. 

“There was an overall stigma in the NFL at that time that African Americans were not to be playing quarterback,” recalled Ealey. 

And so, Ealey, the quarterback, moved on.

This story isn’t unique, of course.

I talked with Charles Officer who directed the movie Stone Thrower.* Officer, had considered doing a “bigger picture” that would have looked at other Afro-American quarterbacks who came up here to play. Standouts like Warren Moon, Condredge Holloway, Damon Allen and Bernie Custis all had to come north for their opportunity.

In 1951, Custis, a star quarterback at Syracuse University, was drafted sixth overall by the Cleveland Browns. But the Browns had no intention of letting him play the pivot position so let him go to Hamilton. Custis became the first Afro-American regular starting quarterback in North America. Earning all-star recognition in ’51, he was moved to halfback the next season.

“It’s the same story,” says Officer. “Bernie Custis coming up here and then getting switched over. He had to come here for a reason.”

Officer, an Afro-Canadian actor, writer, director and former semi-pro hockey player, believed that by documenting Ealey’s journey he could tell the bigger story of what was going on in American society in the seventies.

Jael and Chuck on the way to
Portsmouth Ohio
Meanwhile, Jael Richardson, Chuck’s daughter, has been on a journey of her own, recounted in her 2012 book, similarly called The Stone Thrower: A Daughter's Lessons, a Father's Life.** Richardson was born after her father’s football career had ended. As an adult, she would go to Ohio with her Dad.

“When we went back to Toledo, people would start screaming ‘Oh there’s Chuck Ealey’ and ask for autographs,” Jael’s father recalls. “She’d go, so who are you? What did you do?”

Ealey acknowledges that he “never shared a lot of story of how I got here.”

It is hard today to appreciate fully the barriers Chuck Ealey faced growing up poor in the racially divided city of Portsmouth, Ohio, a typical American small town. Portsmouth was the kind of a place that valued football players but didn’t let black children swim in their public pools.  Located on the Ohio River and bordering Kentucky, the city was a significant pass-through point on the route of the Underground Railroad and the opportunity for freedom in Canada for fugitive slaves.

Ealey remembers the prejudices that held him and others back and contrasts that with the freedom “to do things a lot differently” that he found when he arrived in Hamilton. 

“There were none of the issues that socially held you back or that seemed to hold you back in the States,” he stated. And so, Ealey was able to continue with his winning ways that memorable rookie season, 1972, in Hamilton, all the way to the Grey Cup win.

Director Officer documents how Ealey, denied the opportunity to play quarterback in his native land, essentially followed that same path that slaves had taken to get to Canada. 

Charles Officer, Director
The Stone Thrower
As Officer told me of his movie:

“It is a significant African American story that has everything to do about being Canadian.”

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*You can find Officer’s movie these days on youtube at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xmL1EvtQy3E

**The Stone Thrower – A Daughter’s Lessons. A Father’s Life. A Memoir is available at https://www.dundurn.com/books_/t22117/a9781771022057-the-stone-thrower
 
The Stone Thrower an illustrated children’s book by Jael Ealey Richardson was published in  2016.